Further Reading

18

Ahmed, Imtiaz. ed. The Plight of the Stateless Rohingyas: Responses of the State, Society, and the International Community. Dhaka: University of Dhaka Press, 2010.Find this resource:

Bhattacharya (Chakraborti), Swapna. “Imperialist Provocation and Muslims of Arakan/Myanmar (1942–1948).” In Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 55th Session, Aligarh, 1994. Edited by Indian History Congress, 542–550. Delhi: Indian History Congress, 1995.Find this resource:

Chan, Aye. “Burma’s Western Border as Reported by the Diplomatic Correspondence (1947–1975).” Kanda Journal of Global and Area Studies 2 (2011): 1–14.Find this resource:

Chan, Aye. “The Development of a Muslim Enclave in Arakan (Rakhine) State of Burma (Myanmar).” SOAS Bulletin of Burma Research 3, no. 2 (2005): 396–420.Find this resource:

Cheesman, Nick. “How in Myanmar ‘National Races’ Came to Surpass Citizenship and Exclude Rohingya.” Journal of Contemporary Asia 47 (2017): 1–20.Find this resource:

Cowley, Alice, and Maung Zarni. “The Slow-Burning Genocide of Myanmar’s Rohingya.” Pacific Rim Law & Policy Journal 23, no. 3 (2014): 681–752.Find this resource:

Eaton, Richard M. The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204–1760. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993.Find this resource:

Fleischmann, Klaus. Arakan—Konfliktregion zwischen Birma und Bangladesh Vorgeschichte und Folgen des Flüchtlingsstroms von 1978. Hamburg: Mitteilungen des Instituts für Asienkunde Hamburg 121, 1981.Find this resource:

Gommans, Jos, and Jacques Leider. eds. The Maritime Frontier of Burma—Exploring Political, Cultural, and Commercial Interaction in the Indian Ocean World, 1200–1800. Amsterdam and Leiden, Netherlands: Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen/KITLV Press, 2002.Find this resource:

Irwin, Anthony. Burmese Outpost. London: Collins, 1946.Find this resource:

Islam, Nurul. “Facts About the Rohingya Muslims of Arakan.” 2006. Arakan: Arakan Rohingya National Organization (ARNO).

Jilani, Ahmed F. K. A Cultural History of Rohingya. Chittagong, Bangladesh: Self-published, 2001.Find this resource:

Karim, Abdul. The Rohingyas: A Short Account of Their History and Culture. Chittagong, Bangladesh: Arakan Historical Society, 2000.Find this resource:

Khin Maung Saw. “The ‘Rohingyas’: Who Are They? The Origin of the Name ‘Rohingya’.” In Tradition and Modernity in Myanmar Proceedings of an International Conference Held in Berlin from May 7th to May 9th, 1993, Vol. 1. Edited by Uta Gärtner and Jens Lorenz, 89–100. Berlin: Lit, 1994.Find this resource:

Leider, Jacques P. “Competing Identities and the Hybridized History of the Rohingyas.” In Metamorphosis: Studies in Social and Political Change in Myanmar. Edited by Renaud Egreteau and Francois Robinne, 151–178. Singapore: NUS Press, 2015.Find this resource:

Leider, Jacques P. “Rohingya: The Name, the Movement, the Quest for Identity.” In Nation Building in Myanmar, 204–255. Yangon: Myanmar EGRESS/Myanmar Peace Center, 2013.Find this resource:

Leider, Jacques P. “Transmutations of the Rohingya Movement in the Post-2012 Rakhine State Crisis.” In Ethnic and Religious Identities and Integration in Southeast Asia. Edited by Ooi Keat Gin and Volker Grabowsky, 191–239. Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 2017.Find this resource:

Maung Tha Hla. Rohingya Hoax. New York: Buddhist Rakhaing Cultural Association, 2009.Find this resource:

Razvi, Mujtaba. “The Problem of Burmese Muslims.” Pakistan Horizon 31, no. 4 (1978): 82–93.Find this resource:

Robinson, Robert. Among the Mughs or Memorials of the Rev. J. C. Fink, Missionary in Arracan. Calcutta: Light Press, 1871.Find this resource:

Rui haṅ gyā mvat ca laṅ ñī ñhvat reḥ tap poṅ cu aphvè. khyup/. Prañ t[h]oṅ cuṁ (read: cu) sāḥ rui haṅ gyā lū myuiḥ cu sui. rājavaṅ akuiḥ akāḥ nhaṅ. pan krā: acī raṅ khaṁ khyak (Rohangya Muslim United Front of Burma. Report submitted and historical references regarding the Rohangyas, an ethnic group of the Union). Rangoon: Pali Pitaka Publishing Press, 1961.Find this resource:

Selth, Andrew. Burma’s Muslims: Terrorists or Terrorised? Canberra: Australian National University, Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, 2003.Find this resource:

Siddiq Khan, M. “Muslim Intercourse with Burma. From the earliest times to the British Conquest.” Islamic Culture 10, no. 3 (1936): 409–427; 11 (1937): 248–266.Find this resource:

Smith, Martin. Burma—Insurgency and the Politics of Ethnicity. London and New Jersey: Zed Books, 1991.Find this resource:

Tha Htu. “The Mayu Frontier Administrative Area.” The Guardian Monthly (February, 1962): 29–30.Find this resource:

Uddin, Nasir. ed. Life in Locker: State of the Rohingyas in Bangladesh. Saarbrücken, Germany: Scholar’s Press, 2013.Find this resource:

Walton, Matthew. “Religious Discrimination and Religious Conflict.” Oxford-Myanmar Policy Brief Series 1, no. 1 (August, 2016), 1–9.Find this resource:

World Muslim Congress. History of Arakan (Burma). Karachi: World Muslim Congress, 1978.Find this resource:

Yegar, Moshe. The Muslims of Burma. Wiesbaden, Germany: Harassowitz, 1972.Find this resource:

Yegar, Moshe. Between Integration and Secession. The Muslim Communities of the Southern Philippines, Southern Thailand, and Western Burma/Myanmar. Lanham/Oxford, UK: Lexington Books, 2002.Find this resource:

Notes:

(1.) The terms Arakanese and Arakan are still commonly used by Buddhists and Muslims alike, as well as by people writing about the region. The official names Rakhine State and Myanmar (formerly Burma) are used in this article when referring to the country after 1989. No political bias is linked to the use of either term. Nonetheless, it is relevant to note linguistic differences. Rakhine is an adjective rather than a noun (corresponding with Arakanese, and usually designating the ethnic group of the majority-Buddhist population), while Arakan as a noun signifies a territorial and political entity that has changed over time, such as the kingdom of Arakan (before 1785), Arakan division (during the colonial period), or Arakan state (since 1974). The old denominations Burma and Arakan are preferred when talking about the history and geography of the region. Similarly, Bengal and Bengali (rather than Bangla or Bangladeshi) have been used when a broadly cultural or historical sense is applied. The term Bengali to denote the Rohingyas has been used in official parlance in Myanmar since the 1980s and became extremely controversial after 2012, as it implied the nonnative character of the Muslim community.

(2.) Benjamin Zawacki, “Defining Myanmar’s “Rohingya Problem,” Human Rights Brief 20, no. 3 (2013): 18–25, ; Human Rights Watch, “The Government Could Have Stopped This”: Sectarian Violence and Ensuing Abuses in Burma’s Arakan State (New York: Human Rights Watch, 2012); Human Rights Watch, “All You Can Do Is Pray”: Crimes Against Humanity and Ethnic Cleansing of Rohingya Muslims in Burma’s Arakan State (New York: Human Rights Watch, 2013); Insani Yardim Vakfi, Arakan Report (Istanbul: IHH—The Foundation for Human Rights and Freedoms and Humanitarian Relief, 2013); David Dapice, “A Fatal Distraction from Federalism—Religious Conflict in Rakhine,” Proximity Reports 14 (2014), Harvard Kennedy School—Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation.

(3.) For a general historical overview, see Jacques P. Leider, “Rohingya: The Name, the Movement, the Quest for Identity,” in Nation Building in Myanmar, 204–255 (Yangon: Myanmar EGRESS/Myanmar Peace Center, 2013). After 1948, issues of separatism, federalism, and autonomy loomed large amid the armed struggles of the Rakhine Buddhist and Muslim Rohingya groups. Pending more detailed studies, one may note a recent statement by an authorized Rohingya spokesperson, saying that “we Rohingya are NOT demanding a separate state” (tweet by Tun Khin @tunkhin80, president of Burmese Rohingya Organization UK, February 26, 2018). This statement aligns with the foundational declaration of the ARNO of December 13, 1998, which espouses the “peaceful co-existence” of “two sister communities” and the right to “self-determination.” Available at http://rohingya.webs.com/arakanhistory.htm.

(4.) The expression has been used widely in the media. It is also found in the title of the book by Imtiaz Ahmed, The Plight of the Stateless Rohingyas: Responses of the State, Society, & the International Community (Dhaka: Dhaka University Press, 2010).

(5.) Jacques Leider, “On Arakanese Territorial Expansion: Origins, Context, Means, and Practice,” in The Maritime Frontier of Burma—Exploring Political, Cultural, and Commercial Interaction in the Indian Ocean World, 1200–1800, ed. Jos Gommans and Jacques Leider, 127–150 (Amsterdam and Leiden, Netherlands: Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen/KITLV Press, 2002).

(6.) Stephan Egbert Arie van Galen, Arakan and Bengal: The Rise and Decline of the Mrauk United Kingdom (Burma) from the Fifteenth to the Seventeenth Century AD, PhD diss., Leiden University, 2008.

(7.) Thibaut d’Hubert, “Pirates, Poets, and Merchants: Bengali Language and Literature in Seventeenth-Century Mrauk-U,” in Culture and Circulation: Literature in Motion in Early Modern India, ed. Thomas de Bruijn and Allison Busch (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2014); Thibaut d’Hubert and Jacques P. Leider, “Traders and Poets at the Mrauk-U Court—On Commerce and Cultural Links in Seventeenth-Century Arakan,” in Pelagic Passageways: The Northern Bay of Bengal Before Colonialism, ed. Rila Mukherjee, 77–111 (Delhi: Primus Books, 2011).

(8.) Francis Buchanan, “A Comparative Vocabulary of Some of the Languages Spoken in the Burma Empire,” Asiatick Researches 5 (1799), 219–240.

(9.) Francis Buchanan, “A Comparative Vocabulary of Some of the Languages Spoken in the Burma Empire,” Asiatick Researches 5 (1799), 223. Rohingya historian Aman Ullah cites Buchanan as implicit proof in “Dr Francis Buchanan MD and Rohingya,” March 15, 2016, available at http://www.thestateless.com/2016/03/dr-francis-buchanan-md-and-rohingya.html). Gregory B. Poling is inclined to accept Buchanan’s testimonial as sufficient proof in “Separating Fact from Fiction About Myanmar’s Rohingya,” Critical Questions, Center for Strategic and International Studies, February 13, 2014. The Japanese Myanmar scholar Kei Nemoto treats this as an open question in “The Rohingya Issue in Myanmar,” Asia Peace Building Initiatives, October 10, 2015. For a balanced assessment of the identity issue in general, with a reference to Buchanan, see Carlos Sardiña Galache, “The True Origins of Myanmar’s Rohingya,” December 4, 2017. For an interpretation of the term as a “geographic locator,” see Derek Tonkin, “The Rohingya Conundrum,” October 2, 2017.

(10.) Robert Robinson, Among the Mughs or Memorials of the Rev. J. C. Fink, Missionary in Arracan (Calcutta: Light Press, 1871).

(11.) Charles Paton, “Historical and Statistical Sketch of Arakan,” Asiatick Researches 16 (1828), 353–381. T. C. Robertson was a town magistrate closely associated with the British invasion; Paton was an assistant commissioner.

READ  Muslims in Early Modern and Colonial Arakan

(12.) British Burma/Foreign Department, Administration Report for 1869–1870 (Rangoon: Secretariat Press, 1871). British colonial archives are silent on the evolution of the Muslim community in the middle of the 19th century. The modest growth of the general population was mainly due to the return of the exiled Arakanese. An American missionary source refers to the presence of Bengali people besides local Muslims; G. S. Comstock, “Notes on Arakan,” Journal of the American Oriental Society I (1847), 3. An Arakanese chief in the Maungdaw region is known to have actively promoted the settlement of Bengali agriculturists.

(13.) The historical annals presented in Paton’s sketch of Arakan contain peculiar Muslim spellings of the titles and names of kings that are rarely, if ever, found in contemporary Arakanese manuscripts.

(14.) Michael Walter Charney, Where Jambudipa and Islamdom Converged: Religious Change and the Emergence of Buddhist Communalism in Early Modern Arakan (15th to 19th C.), PhD diss., University of Michigan, Department of History, 1999.

(15.) James Baxter, Report on Indian Immigration (Rangoon: Government Printing and Stationery, 1941); Burma Gazetteer Akyab District Including Town and Village Census Tables (Rangoon: Government Printing. vol. B, 1912); R. B. Smart, ed., Burma Gazetteer Akyab District (Rangoon: Government Printing and Stationery, vol. A, 1917). In 2014, the total percentage of Muslims was estimated at 34 percent (Ministry of Immigration and Population, The 2014 Myanmar Population and Housing Census—The Union Report Census Report, vol. 2 (Yangon: Ministry of Immigration and Population, Department of Population, 2015).

(16.) One must note that Indians in Burma, independent of their historical presence in the country, were classified as “foreigners” in the census reports. Chittagonian migrants who spread throughout Burma during the colonial period did not adopt the name Rohingya after independence. British census 1921 and 1931. Leider, “Rohingya: The Name, the Movement, the Quest for Identity.”

(17.) A relevant source for this issue is James Baxter’s Report on Indian Immigration (Rangoon: Government Printing and Stationery, 1940), an investigation meant to address the “widespread uneasiness about Indian penetration into Burma” (p. 6). For an early indication of ethnoreligious tensions, see Major C. M. Enriquez, A Burmese Wonderland: A Tale of Travel in Lower and Upper Burma (Calcutta/Shimla: Thacker, Spink, and Co., 1922), 58; see also Moshe Yegar, Between Integration and Secession: The Muslim Communities of the Southern Philippines, Southern Thailand, and Western Burma/Myanmar (Lanham/Oxford, UK: Lexington Books, 2002).

(18.) The author of this article hypothesizes that such organizations existed at a local level, and that the absence of information does not mean they did not.

(19.) Jacques Leider, “Conflict and Mass Violence in Arakan (Rakine State): The 1942 Events and Political Identity Formation,” in Citizenship in Myanmar: Ways of Being in and from Burma, ed. Ashley South and Marie Lall (ISEAS/ CMU, 2017), passim. The article lists the sparse available sources.

(20.) An exact written source is hard to come by for the allegation that the British had promised a “Muslim National Area,” which is an expression currently found in Rohingya-related entries on Wikipedia. The allegation is made, for example, in the “Rohingya People” article, but without a precise source. Aman Ullah, a Rohingya historian, has repeated the same without providing any source (“The Traditional Demand of the Muslim Rohingya of North Arakan.” There is a faint hint of such in Anthony Irwin, Burmese Outpost (London: Collins, 1946), 25, a British officer who wanted to see that the Arakan Muslims who had fought for the British were rewarded. The 1947 petition of Muslim elders (“Representation by the Muslims of North Arakan Claiming for an Autonomous State in the Buthidaung and Maungdaw Areas,” February 24, 1947, Government of Burma Home Department), while referring to the de facto recognition of local “peace committees” as an “administrative body,” concludes: “And this Administrative Body was given many pledges towards self-determination, on the model of autonomous Muslim State, in New Burma.” As the petitioners made reference to D. C. P. Phelps, the military administrator, and A. A. Shah, the civil advisor to Phelps, one may surmise that oral promises had been made, but without any written commitment by their superiors.

(21.) For a discussion of the secessionist aspects of the contemporary conflict, see Anthony Ware, “Secessionist Aspects to the Buddhist-Muslim Conflict in Rakhine State, Myanmar,” in Territorial Separatism and Global Politics: Claims, Methods, and Problems, ed. Damien Kingsbury and Costas Laoutides (London: Routledge, 2015).

(22.) Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of Burma (Wiesbaden, Germany: Harrassowitz, 1972).

(24.) Robert H. Taylor, The State in Myanmar (Honolulu: Hawai’i Press, 2009), 269.

(25.) The search for unity was a matter of political concern (Mohamed Akram Ali, “Unity Among Ourselves,” The Guardian 1960, 31–32). Therefore, the newly found unity was demonstrated in the names chosen by Rohingya organizations, such as the Rohangya Muslim United Front of Burma, United Rohingya National League, and United Rohingyas Organization, which published booklets (in Burmese) to explain the indigenous character of the Rohingya population during the early phase of the Mayu Frontier Administration (1961–1964).

(26.) Moshe Yegar, an Israeli diplomat posted in Burma in the 1960s, used Rohinga in his authoritative The Muslims of Burma. Prime Minister U Nu used the term in a speech broadcast on September 25, 1954, when he pleaded for the political support of moderate Rakhine Muslims in Buthidaung and Maungdaw against the Mujahids and the Rakhine nationalists.

(27.) Mohammed A. Tahir Ba Tha, “Shah Shujah in Arakan (Origin of Muslims in Arakan),” The Guardian 6, no. 9 (1959): 26–28; Ba Tha, “Roewengyas in Arakan,” The Guardian 7, no. 5 (1960): 33–36; and Ba Tha, “Muslims in Arakan (Burma): A Brief Study of the Rohingyas, a Muslim Racial Group of Arab Descent in Arakan,” Islamic Review (April 1966), 25–30, are a few examples of his work.

(28.) Yegar notes that “as a matter of fact, the same group is active in all of them” (Yegar, The Muslims of Burma 102). A contemporary observer of Burma Muslim affairs, Yegar used only the spelling Rohinga.

(29.) Yegar, The Muslims of Burma, 102.

(30.) Mohammad Yunus, A History of Arakan Past and Present (Chittagong, Bangladesh: Magenta Colour, 1994), 71.

(31.) “The immediate effect of the creation of the Mayu Frontier District is the eradication of insurgency, and of suppression of smuggling etc. by effective and efficient Administration offering the Rohingyas varied opportunities in life to improve their lots in consonance with the spirit of Burmese Way to Socialism. The object for which the Mayu Frontier District is created is manifested in all round activities of the Frontier Administration and it is hoped that a new Era of the Rohingyas with new life and new outlook will usher in no distant future.” Extract from “Address Presented to Professor Dr. Luce by the United Rohingya Organisation of Mayu District,” May 3, 1963 (National Library of Australia, MSS Collection, Papers of Gordon Luce, MS6574/1/37).

(32.) Both Urdu works were never published and exist only in manuscript form. They have been quoted by Rohingya and Bangladeshi authors. For Hasan’s work, see Mohammed Akhtaruzzaman, “Introduction to an Unpublished Manuscript on Myanmar,” in Myanmar Two Millennia: Proceedings of the Myanmar Two Millennia Conference 15–17 December 1999, Part III. Yangon: Universities Historical Research, 94–103.

READ  Rohingyas in Rakhine State Diaspora and the Globalization of a Muslim-Minority Cause

(33.) Nick Cheesman, “How in Myanmar ‘National Races’ Came to Surpass Citizenship and Exclude Rohingya,” Journal of Contemporary Asia 47 (2017), 3.

(34.) Mohammed Tahir Ba Tha, Rohingyas and Kamans (Myitkyina, Myanmar: United Rohingya National League. 1963).

(35.) On the expansion of Islam in Bengal, see Richard M. Eaton, The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204–1760 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993).

(36.) Daniel G. E. Hall, “Studies in Dutch Relations with Arakan in the Seventeenth Century,” Journal of the Burma Research Society 26 (1937), 1–31; Arthur P. Phayre, “Account of Arakan,” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 2 (1841), 679–712; for recent scholarly insights, see d’Hubert and Leider, “Traders and Poets.”

(37.) Yunus, History of Arakan. Yunus was the founder of the Rohingya Solidarity Organization (1982).

(38.) Abdul Karim, The Rohingyas: A Short Account of Their History and Culture (Chittagong: Arakan Historical Society, 2000), 5.

(39.) Most of this work is in Burmese and has been self-published. Abu Anin (U Kyaw Min), “Towards Understanding Arakan History (A Study on the Issue of Ethnicity in Arakan, Myanmar),” Yangon 2002 (unpublished manuscript); U Kyaw Min, A Glimpse into the Hidden Chapters of Arakan History (Yangon: Khin Ma Khyo, 2013); U Kyaw Min, Rui haṅ gyā samuiṅ kui chan. cac khraṅḥ (Examination of Rohingya History) (Yangon: Kyaw So Aung, 2015).

(40.) Jacques P. Leider, “Competing Identities and the Hybridized History of the Rohingyas,” in Metamorphosis: Studies in Social and Political Change in Myanmar, ed. Renaud Egreteau and Francois Robinne (Singapore: NUS Press, 2015).

(41.) Cheesman, “How in Myanmar ‘National Races’ Came to Surpass Citizenship,” 14. The concept of “national race” (taingyintha) became the benchmark for membership of the political community during the Ne Win regime (1962–1988) and led to the civic exclusion of the Rohingyas under the subsequent SLORC/SPDC rule (1988–2012).

(42.) Andrew Selth, Burma’s Muslims: Terrorists or Terrorised? (Canberra: Australian National University, Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, 2003).

(43.) Bohmu Hla Myaing, Taṅ pra khyak Nuiṅṅaṁ khyāḥ sāḥ myāḥ vaṅ rok hmu nhaṅ. rakhuiṅ prañnay mha phrac rap akhre ane akhyui (Report on the Arrival of Foreigners and Certain Events in Rakhine State). November 1, 1983. . The perception of a migratory threat persisted over the following decades. Plans announced in 2002 to build a road between Dhaka and Yangon were shelved because of fears that development could trigger a further increase in the Muslim population, which has frustrated Bangladesh’s desire to expand its economic relations with Myanmar. See also Helal Mohammed Khan, “Threat Perceptions in the Myanmar-Bangladesh Borderlands,” Conflict in Myanmar War, Politics, Religion, ed. by Nick Cheesman and Nicholas Farrelly, 333–352 (Singapore: ISEAS Yusof Ishak Institute, 2016).

(44.) Mohamed Saflullah Munsoor’s study, “A Qualitative Assessment of Successful Local Organizations (LOs): A Critical Study of Northern Rakhine State (NRS), Myanmar” (Reading, UK: University of Reading, Department of International and Rural Development, Faculty of Life Sciences, PhD diss., 2003), provides rare insights into local Muslim social hierarchies.

(45.) Francis Wade, Myanmar’s Enemy Within (London: ZED Books, 2017), 69–97.

(46.) Alice Cowley and Maung Zarni, “The Slow-Burning Genocide of Myanmar’s Rohingya,” Pacific Rim Law & Policy Journal 23, no. 3 (2014): 681–752; Fortify Rights and Allard K. Lowenstein International Rights Clinic, Yale Law School, Persecution of the Rohingya Muslims: Is Genocide Occurring in Myanmar’s Rakhine State? A Legal Analysis (2014),

(47.) The monthly Burma bulletins of ALTSEAN offer detailed figures with references. Different numbers of internally displaced persons were quoted over the months as figures changed according to the movement or relocation of people.

(49.) Nausheen H. Anwar, “Negotiating New Conjunctures of Citizenship: Experiences of ‘Illegality’ in Burmese-Rohingya and Bangladeshi Migrant Enclaves in Karachi,” Citizenship Studies 17, nos. 3–4 (2013), 415.

(50.) Kazi Fahmida Farzana, “Forced Migration and Statelessness: Voices and Memories of Burmese Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh” (Singapore: National University of Singapore, PhD diss., 2011), has explored refugee accounts.

(51.) One fascinating source to track the adaptive change of names in recent years is the log of revisions attached to Wikipedia entries. The following example concerns the page on Rohingyas in Pakistan. A page called “Burmese People in Pakistan” was created in January 2010, and the first author noted that “a lot of the Burmese immigrants to Pakistan are Rohingya Muslims from western Burma.” On September 13, 2012, another contributor changed the expression “Burmese people in Pakistan” to “Pakistan Burmese” in the page content. Then, on December 31, 2017, the page “Burmese People in Pakistan” was changed to “Rohingya People in Pakistan”; the category “Pakistani people of Burmese descent” was switched to “Pakistani people of Rohingya descent”; and the expression “Pakistan Burmese” became “Rohingya people in Pakistan.” Nonetheless, to conclude that the descriptor “Burmese Muslims” has only functioned as an exonym would be misguided because there is actually a Muslim community in Pakistan that hails from Burma proper, not from Rakhine State, which claims the appellation “Burmese Muslims” (see Faiza Rahman, “Invisible Pakistanis Neither Here nor There,” Express Tribune, August 20, 2013).

(52.) In his famous article on “Burma’s exiled Muslims” in Saudi-Arabia, Syed Neaz Ahmad uses the phrase “thousands of Burmese Muslims from Arakan—often called Rohingyas …” (The Guardian, October 12, 2009, available at https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2009/oct/12/burma-muslims-rohingya-saudi-prisons). Such complementary expressions are also not infrequently found in human rights and UN reports before 2012. Although the name Rohingya has come increasingly into use, the local legacy of “Burma/Burmese” may live on in toponyms such as “Burmee Colony,” in Landhi Town (Karachi).

(54.) UNHCR statement for the period between October 9, 2016 and February 2017, quoted by Oliver Snow (“‘Perplexed’ Dhaka Wants Closer Cooperation on Security and Refugees,” Frontier Myanmar, May 18, 2017).

(55.) Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Mission Report of OHCHR Rapid Response Mission to Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, 13–24 September 2017. The document states that 519,000 people fled to Bangladesh between August 25 and October 8, 2017 (2), but at the time of the report’s release, on October 30, that number had grown to more than 600,000. By orders 75/2017 (September 12, 2017) and 83/2017 (October 9, 2017), the Office of the President established a fifteen-member Committee for Implementation of the Recommendations (of the Kofi Annan Advisory Commission) on Rakhine State (“Establishment of the Committee for Implementation of the Recommendations on Rakhine State,” The Global New Light of Myanmar, October 12, 2017). Regarding the Rohingya refugees, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, in a speech on September 19, linked their repatriation to a verification process. In another move linked to the situation in Rakhine State, the government formed the Union Enterprise for Humanitarian Assistance, Resettlement, and Development in Rakhine (UEHRD) to further the cooperation between national organizations and the international community for Rakhine’s recovery (“Military Sanction ‘Very Specific’,” Myanmar Times, October 19, 2017).

(56.) Danish Immigration Service (DIS), Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh and Thailand. Fact-Finding Mission to Bangladesh and Thailand (Copenhagen: Danish Immigration Service, 2011), 12.

(57.) Samuel Berthet, “Les Rohingya à Chittagong (Bangladesh): Enjeux d’une invisibilité,” Moussons 22, no. 2 (2013), 75–86.

(58.) For a detailed review of these developments, see Jacques P. Leider, “Transmutations of the Rohingya Movement in the Post-2012 Rakhine State Crisis,” in Ethnic and Religious Identities and Integration in Southeast Asia, eds. Ooi Keat Gin and Volker Grabowski (Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books, 2017), 191–239.

(59.) The shift from historical accounts is evident by comparing the content columns of Rohingya websites. Websites that were set up before 2011 frequently contain historical articles, sometimes from the colonial period—for example, the “Scholar’s Column” of www.kaladanpress.org, a Rohingya news agency founded in 2001. Although post-2012 websites may still have a “History” section (for instance, the popular www.rohingyablogger.com, founded in 2013), they tend to feature little historical content.

(60.) Broadly speaking, Rohingya writers laid claim to an Islamic and Islamicized heritage. In the 17th century, several Bengali poets flourished at the court of Mrauk U. The most famous was Alaol, taken prisoner during an Arakanese naval raid and deported to Mrauk U. Alaol’s poetry forms part of the canon of classic Bengali literature that educated people would have been familiar with. During the early 20th century, interest in this cross-cultural heritage seems to have been limited to Bengali or Burmese writers. An exception was Bisvesuar Bhattacharya [“Bengali Influence in Arakan,” Bengal Past and Present 33 (1927), 139–144]. The authors mostly quoted by Rohingya writers after World War II were D. G. E. Hall, Arthur Phayre, G. E. Harvey, and Maurice C. Collis. Both Phayre and Harvey had published what were seen as “national” histories of Burma based on the chronicle accounts and on Western sources; Arthur P. Phayre, History of Burma (London: Trübner, 1883) and Geoffrey E. Harvey, History of Burma (London: Frank Cass, 1925). By explaining the legend of King Min Saw Mwan’s exile in Bengal during the early 15th century in a rational way, Phayre and Harvey lay the groundwork for the generally accepted belief in Myanmar that Muslim mercenaries settled in Mrauk U when the capital was founded (1430 CE). For a criticism of this belief, see Jacques Leider and Kyaw Minn Htin, “King Man Co Mvan’s Exile in Bengal: Legend, History, and Context,” Journal of Burma Studies, 19.2 (December 2015), 371–405. Maurice Collis, a judge and prolific writer who brought chapters of regional history to a broad public by romanticizing fact and fiction, had a lasting influence on both Buddhist and Muslim minds. His popular book The Land of the Great Image, Being Experiences of Friar Manrique in Arakan (London: Faber and Faber, 1943) transformed the apologetic account of an Augustinian monk into a seemingly objective description of Arakan in the middle of the 17th century. Collis’s influential academic paper “Arakan’s Place in the Civilization of the Bay (A Study of Coinage and Foreign Relations),” Journal of the Burma Research Society 15 (1925), 34–52, praised the Muslim influence on Arakan as a marker of cultural progress.

READ  Rohingya Muslim Primary Sources

(62.) Candamālālaṅkāra, Rakhuiṅ rājavaṅ sac (New Chronicle of Arakan) (Mandalay: Hamsavati Pitakat, 1931–1932). Ṅa Mañ rājavaṅ, British Library (Arthur P. Phayre Collection), OR 3465A. A critical discussion of arguments related to the Muslim presence in 15th-century Arakan is found in Leider and Htin, “King Man Co Mvan’s Exile in Bengal,” 371–405.

(63.) Sebastião Manrique, Travels of Fray Sebastien Manrique 1629–1643 (vol. 1, Arakan) (Oxford, UK: Hakluyt Society, 1927). A critical discussion of Manrique and other Portuguese sources is found in Ana Marques Guedes, Interferência e Integração dos Portugueses na Birmânia, c. 1580–1630 (Lisbon: Fundação Oriente: 1994). De Oost-Indische voyagie van Wouter Schouten, ed. Michael Breet (Zutphen, Netherlands: Walburg Pers B.V., 2003). Schouten is best read against the background of Arakan-Bengal relations presented by van Galen, Arakan and Bengal.

(64.) Thibaut d’Hubert’s Histoire culturelle et poétique de la traduction—Alaol et la tradition littéraire bengali au XVIIe siècle à Mrauk-U, capitale du royaume d’Arakan, thèse de doctorat (Paris: Ecole pratique des Hautes Etudes, 2010) contains an appendix of more than 400 pages of translations from Alaol’s poetic work. A eulogy of the Buddhist court is found in d’Hubert and Leider, “Traders and Poets,” 108–111.

(65.) Four of the most widely quoted sources for this period are Francis Hamilton, “A Comparative Vocabulary of Some of the Languages Spoken in the Burma Empire,” Asiatick Researches, 5 (1799): 219–240; Paton, “Historical and Statistical Sketch of Arakan”; Phayre, “Account of Arakan”; and Comstock, “Notes on Arakan,” 219–258.

(66.) The collection contains key documents such as “Representation by the Muslims of North Arakan Claiming for an Autonomous State in the Buthidaung and Maungdaw Areas,” February 24, 1947, Government of Burma Home Department; “Address Presented by Jamiat Ul Ulema North Arakan on Behalf of the People of North Arakan to the Hon’ble Prime Minister of the Union of Burma on the Occasion of His Visit to Maungdaw on the 25th October 1948,” Government of the Union of Burma, Foreign Office; “Open Letter to the Leaders of the Burmese Government and the Democracies. Charter of the Constitutional Demands of the Arakani Muslims,” Arakan Muslim Conference of 1951; Reginald B. Pearn, “The Mujahid Revolt in Arakan. 31 December 1952,” National Archives, British Foreign Office, FO 371/101002—FB 1015/63; and “Brigadier General Aung Gyi’s Speech, 4th July 1961.” Khit Yay Journal, 12, no. 6 (1961), 9–26.

(67.) East Pakistan District Gazetteers, Chittagong, ed. S. N. H. Rizvi (Dacca: Government of East Pakistan, 1970); Report on the Progress Made in the Arakan Division from 1826 to 1869 (Rangoon: Government Stationery, 1870); British Burma/Foreign Department, Administration Report for 1869–1870 (Rangoon: Secretariat Press. 1871); Report on the Progress Made in the Arakan Division from 1865/66 to 1874/75 (Rangoon: Government Stationery, 1876); British Burma Gazetteer (Rangoon: Government Printing and Stationery, 1879); Imperial Gazetteer of India (Provincial Series) 1908, Burma (Calcutta: Superintendent of Government, 1908); Burma Gazetteer, Akyab District Including Town and Village Census Tables (Rangoon: Office of the Superintendent, 1912); Burma Gazetteer, Hill District of Arakan Including Town and Village Census Tables (Rangoon: Office of the Superintendent, 1912); Burma Gazetteer, Kyaukpyu District Including Town and Village Census Tables (Rangoon: Office of the Superintendent, 1912); Smart, Burma Gazetteer, Akyab District; W. B. Tydd, ed., Burma Gazetteer Sandoway District (Rangoon: Government Printing and Stationery, 1921); G. E. R. Grant-Brown, ed., Burma Gazetteer Northern Arakan District (or Arakan Hill Tracts) (Rangoon: Government and Printing Stationery, vol. A, 1960); James Baxter, Report on Indian Immigration (Rangoon: Government Printing and Stationery, 1941).

(68.) United Rohingyas Organization Headquarters, Prañ thoṅ cu I tuiṅḥ raṅḥ sāḥ lū myuiḥ ta myuiḥ phrac so “Ruihaṅgyā” lū myuiḥ cu i rājavaṅ akyañ: khyup (A Short History of “Rohingyas”: An Indigenous Race of the Union of Burma) (Rangoon, 1960). Two other seminal documents are Rui haṅ gyā mvat ca laṅ ñī ñhvat reḥ tap poṅ cu aphvè. khyup/Rohangya Muslim United Front of Burma. Prañ t[h]oṅ cuṁ (read: cu) sāḥ rui haṅ gyā lū myuiḥ cu sui. rājavaṅ akuiḥ akāḥ nhaṅ. pan krā: acī raṅ khaṁ khyak (Report Submitted and Historical References Regarding the Rohangyas, an Ethnic Group of the Union) (Rangoon: Pali Pitaka Publishing Press, 1961); and M. A. Tahir Ba Tha’s Rui haṅ gyā nhaṅ. Kaman lū myuiḥ cu myāḥ (Rohingyas and Kamans) (Myitkyina, Myanmar: United Rohingya National League, 1963). Ba Tha’s work was translated into English by Ahmed F. K. Jilani, A Short History of Rohingyas and Kamans of Burma (Chittagong, Bangladesh: Institute of Arakan Studies, 1999). The next generation of Rohingya historiography is represented by Mohammad Yunus, the founder of the Rohingya Solidarity Organization, who published A History of Arakan Past and Present. The most important recent author is U Kyaw Min, a prominent political leader since the 1990 elections. His works include “Towards Understanding Arakan History,” written in English under his pen name Abu Aneen, as well as A Glimpse into the Hidden Chapters of Arakan History and Rui haṅ gyā samuiṅ kui chan. cac khraṅḥ (Examination of Rohingya History), both written in Burmese. Zaw Min Htut’s The Union of Burma and Ethnic Rohingyas (Tokyo: Maruyama, 2001) merits a special mention because it provoked the strongest reactions among educated Rakhine.

(69.) Among his articles, the following are of particular relevance for Rohingya historiography: Tahir Ba Tha, “Roewengyas in Arakan”; “The Coming of Islam to Arakan (A Brief Study of Islamic Civilization in Arakan),” The Guardian 12, no. 3 (March 1965), 9–13; and Ba Tha, “Muslims in Arakan.”

(70.) Muhammad Noor, Barrak Adams, and Diana Wong, The Exodus: A True Story from a Child of a Forgotten People (Kuala Lumpur, self-published: 2012); Robert Mole, The Temple Bells Are Calling—A Personal Record of the Last Years of British Rule in Burma (Bishop Auckland, UK: Pentland Books, 2001).

(71.) A few of ARNO’s Monthly Arakan—News and Analysis of the Arakan Rohingya National Organisation issues from 2009 and 2010 are downloadable as PDF files on the Web under various addresses; for example, burmalibrary.org/docs08/mag_arakan01-05.pdf.

(72.) Unlike numerous reports written after the violence in 2012, which display a poor understanding of the Rohingya refugee context, a DIS delegation produced a report of lasting interest about the Rohingya refugees: Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh and Thailand. Fact-Finding Mission to Bangladesh and Thailand 4 to 17 February 2011 (Copenhagen, Danish Immigration Service: May 2011).